Changes from plenary report to adopted text

Q. whereas growing instability in the EU’s Southern Neighbourhood and the wider Mediterranean, as well as in the Sahel and sub-Saharan Africa, poses serious challenges to the security and stability of the Union and to its ability to become a decisive actor on the international stage;

R. whereas the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region are gaining more relevance, most notably given the increasingly assertive posture adopted by the People’s Republic of China against Taiwan;

S. whereas the decline in media freedom, the ongoing attacks on journalists, the spread of disinformation and foreign interference threaten EU democracies and security; whereas the EU must cooperate with like-minded partners to defend media freedom and freedom of expression and to counter disinformation and foreign interference in third countries;

T. whereas the consequences of climate change are having an increasingly severe impact on different aspects of human life, including the geopolitical order and global security and stability; whereas it is of crucial importance that fighting climate change, which necessitates climate action, aids those that face the most serious repercussions;

U. whereas in view of the collapse of important arms control and disarmament agreements, but also in view of emerging technologies, arms control and non-proliferation should become a focus of EU’s foreign and security policy;

1. Underscores that its resolutions on the implementation of the CFSP are a key component of its contribution to EU foreign policy making; underlines that these resolutions manifest the practical implication of the strengthened right of scrutiny in the area of foreign policy conferred on Parliament by the Treaty of Lisbon; recalls that the 2023 resolution is the last resolution on the implementation of the CFSP in this legislative term and aims to serve as a guide for the next EU executive when setting foreign policy priorities for the next term and further implementing them; highlights that in an ever-volatile international environment, the EU needs to simultaneously tackle numerous foreign policy challenges affecting it directly and indirectly, such as the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, increasing great power competition, potentially redefining the global balance of power, constant attempts to undermine the multilateral rules-based international order and an increased nexus of foreign and internal crises; strongly believes that in order to stay relevant on the international stage and be able to effectively defend its interests and values, the EU must unleash the political will of the Member States to achieve foreign policy goals through EU-level instruments, increase capacities, work with like-minded partners and regional organisations and focus on providing a competitive offer for the Global South, making as effective a use as possible of all the resources, policies and tools at its disposal as part of the integrated approach; highlights that in order to act as a global player in the current global environment, the EU has to conduct a determined, disciplined and assertive foreign policy that fulfils its own strategic objectives and continue proactively defining, asserting and defending its interests in the world;

2. Stresses that the EU’s ability to act as a global foreign policy player, a reliable international partner and a credible security and defence actor rests on the development and strengthening of its external actions within the CFSP, as well as on its ability to proactively define, assert and defend its interests in the world without undue reliance on the resources of third states, which could leave the Union open to internal division, on the reinvigoration of existing partnerships and the creation of new ones, and on the political will to take greater initiative and responsibility on the global stage while effectively safeguarding, defending and promoting its values; further stresses that the Member States need to enable the EU to speak with one voice, thus increasing credibility and preserving coherence; reaffirms, in this context, that it is paramount to strengthen unity and solidarity by further developing a common perception of threats;

3. Recalls that the EU should be guided in its external action by the values and principles enshrined in Article 2, Article 3 (5) and Article 21 TEU, which have inspired the EU’s own creation, development and enlargement, including democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, the principles of equality and solidarity and respect for the principles of the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, the European Convention on Human Rights and international law; regrets that the Union at times falls short of these objectives, with a negative impact on its interests, security and international reputation; underscores that the ambitious commitment of the EU’s external human rights policy requires it to be consistent and exemplary;

4. Believes that the EU should shape its CFSP accordingly, and on the basis of the following four objectives:

(a) addressing the consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine,

(b) progressively adapting EU structures, instruments, capabilities, funds and decision-making procedures,

(c) reinforcing and defending a rules-based multilateralism, and

(d) asserting interests through the development of robust strategic alliances and like-minded partnerships;

Addressing the consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine

5. Is concerned that the illegal, unprovoked and unjustified Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, enabled and supported by the illegitimate Lukashenka regime in Belarus and the regime in Iran, has brought war back to the European continent; reiterates its condemnation, in the strongest possible terms, of the actions of the Russian leadership, which include breaking international law, violating recognised borders, unlawfully transferring and deporting protected persons and children and committing land theft and serious war crimes; demands that Russia and its proxy forces cease all military action and that the Russian leadership immediately and unconditionally withdraw its troops from the internationally recognised territory of Ukraine and from any other country whose territory, or parts thereof, it unlawfully occupies; condemns any hybrid attacks used by Russia in Ukraine and strongly denounces the spread of Russia’s propaganda about its war in Ukraine;

6. Condemns the role of the illegitimate regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka for de facto surrendering national sovereignty to the Kremlin in order to maintain its grip on Belarus;

11. Notes with particular concern the spillover effect of the Russian aggression against Ukraine, notably in the Southern Neighbourhood, the wider Mediterranean, the South Caucasus, Central Asia, Africa and the Middle East; deplores Russian malign influences, hybrid warfare and disinformation campaigns in these regions and calls for greater EU involvement and assistance;

12. Welcomes the third meeting of the European Political Community (EPC) as a platform for discussion, dialogue and cooperation with partner countries; calls for the close involvement of Parliament in clarifying the scope and the future work of the EPC; underlines that, for the future success and coherence of this format, some level of alignment on democratic values and principles is essential; reiterates that the EPC may under no circumstances form a pretext for delays to the accession of enlargement countries to the EU;

13. Reiterates the need for the Member States to make collective and well-coordinated investments in defence and calls for the full and swift implementation of the Strategic Compass, integrating the lessons learnt from Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, with the objective of achieving a genuine European Defence Union that is interoperable and complementary with the NATO alliance and can act independently when needed;

14. Highlights, in particular, the need to engage further with NATO on the establishment of the Rapid Deployment Capacity and urges the Member States to ensure that the Military Planning and Conduct Capability is fully operational by 2025; strongly encourages the VP/HR to propose a Council decision on an EU Rapid Deployment Capacity to protect the Union’s values and serve the interests of the Union as a whole, to respond to imminent threats and to react rapidly to a crisis situation outside the Union, including in non-permissive environments and during all stages of a conflict cycle; underlines that the EU Rapid Deployment Capacity should be set up as a force that is permanently available and trains together with the goal of becoming a standing force;

15. Stresses the need to increase the production of military ammunition in the EU, which should be achieved through increased industrial cooperation and joint production; reiterates the urgent need to reach the 35 % European collaborative defence equipment procurement benchmark and the 20 % European collaborative defence research and technology benchmark agreed by all Member States within the European Defence Agency; calls for the EU Intelligence and Situation Centre and the European External Action Service (EEAS) Crisis Response Centre to be strengthened through the establishment of a system of automatic flows of intelligence from Member States to the EEAS and to the EU Intelligence and Situation Centre on foreign and security issues occurring outside the EU;

23. Insists that the EU cannot persistently rely on ad hoc mobilisation and recalls, in this context, the need to improve and clearly define the EU’s capacity to act in response to global crises in a sustainable manner; stresses, in this regard, that the EU should continue to develop its own autonomous and resilient instruments in its external action and within the CFSP; recalls that the Strategic Compass sets an ambitious course of action and gives the EU the tools to be both an effective security provider and a more assertive global actor, and therefore calls for its swift and full implementation; calls for the EU institutions to strengthen their capacity for strategic foresight in order to prepare for future challenges;

24. Calls for a more dynamic and consistent use of the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (EU Magnitsky Act), which remains underutilised in the EU’s foreign policy toolbox; welcomes the VP/HR’s proposal for an anti-corruption sanctions regime, which would allow the EU to target serious acts of corruption worldwide; insists that corruption has a verifiable impact on the state of human rights and undermines the functioning of state institutions and the rule of law; calls, in this context, for the swift adoption of the proposed anti-corruption sanctions regime by the Council;

Progressively adapting EU structures, instruments, capabilities, funds and decision-making procedures

25. Acknowledges that the requirement for unanimity forces the Member States to work relentlessly to achieve compromise and unity, which is the source of the EU’s political leverage on the world stage; points out, however, that the trade-off between the ideal of unity and the high costs of unanimity in terms of credibility should be assessed critically, particularly bearing in mind the effective functioning of an enlarged EU; regrets, in this context, the fact that individual Member States have used their veto right to water down agreements, delay decision-making or thwart a common policy altogether;

26. Reminds the Member States to adhere to the principles of the Treaties¸ particularly Articles 24 and 42(7) TEU and Article 222 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which call for the Member States to support the European Union’s external and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity; underlines that the conditions for the activation of Article 42(7) TEU and the modalities for support have never been clearly defined; considers it necessary to urgently develop a solidarity policy strategy and operational implementation measures for the mutual assistance clause established in Article 42(7) TEU;

27. Regrets that the potential for fast, efficient and effective foreign, security and defence action, as provided for, inter alia, by the passerelle clauses of the TEU, has been used only in a very limited manner; reiterates its call for the Council to gradually switch to qualified majority voting for decisions in areas of the CFSP that do not have military or defence implications; acknowledges the concerns of some Member States, which fear a decreased ability to influence foreign and security policy at EU level; recognises that progress towards the application of qualified majority voting can only be gradual, building on the formation of a European strategic culture; encourages, in this context:

(a) the introduction of qualified majority voting in identified priority areas, such as the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (EU Magnitsky Act), and on issues pertaining to the adoption and implementation of the next EU action plan on human rights and democracy, in line with Article 22(1) TEU;

(b) the application of the passerelle clauses provided for in the Treaties, except for the creation of military missions or operations with an executive mandate under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), for which unanimity will still be required;

(c) the use of constructive abstention in line with Article 31(1) TEU, pending the full application of qualified majority voting to decisions without military or defence implications;

(d) the more effective use of the integrated political crisis response mechanism and the creation of a Security Council, comprised of Member State ministers, in order to respond swiftly in emergencies and develop an integrated approach to conflict and crises;

(e) the revision of the Treaties as provided for in Article 48 TEU, with the objective of, inter alia, enshrining qualified majority voting for matters relating to the CFSP;

(f) the regular revision of the threat analysis underpinning the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence to allow for Member States to converge on and define a common threat perception;

28. Reiterates that Parliament plays an integral role in the CFSP, making a specific contribution thereto by virtue of its parliamentary diplomacy and its distinct instruments, channels and contacts, including its democracy support programmes, which have great potential to engage key political stakeholders and facilitate democratic governance; stresses, in particular, the added value of parliamentary diplomacy during the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and highlights, in this context, the valuable cooperation at political and technical level between the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the European Parliament;

29. Emphasises the importance of parliamentary diplomacy, which should be conducted through the existing channels, like the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, official delegations and democracy support activities, such as regular parliamentary dialogues with partner countries; insists that the EU’s foreign and security policy must orient itself towards the objectives of crisis prevention, cooperative regional security cooperation, global climate and environmental action, strengthening human rights and ensuring the implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals 2030 Agenda; calls for the further development of the EU’s preventive diplomacy, including peace mediation and dialogue, as a proactive foreign policy tool; urges the EEAS to conduct ‘lessons learnt’ exercises and analyse prior European diplomatic efforts and their results, as well as the work of Special Representatives and Special Envoys; insists that it is necessary to strengthen parliamentary diplomacy with partners in Latin America, Africa and Asia in order to contribute to the EU’s objective of strengthening relations with like-minded partners to address common geopolitical, economic, social and environmental challenges;

30. Calls for further clarification on the functioning, format of representation and accountability of the ‘Team Europe’ approach in order to ensure the effective allocation of resources and avoid duplication in the EU’s foreign and security policy; insists that Parliament is part of ‘Team Europe’ and should be treated as such;

31. Highlights the necessity of updating the 2010 Declaration on Political Accountability as the framework for relations between the EEAS and Parliament; believes that Parliament needs the means to leverage its instruments to counteract the global backsliding of democracy, including through election observation and mediation, conflict prevention, strengthened local-level communication on democracy and parliamentary diplomacy; highlights Parliament’s complementary role in the EU’s diplomacy;

32. Highlights the role of the VP/HR as a bridge builder between the CFSP and EU external relations to ensure the highest level of coordination and coherence in EU external action; regrets, nonetheless, that in some cases, there is a lack of clarity in the external representation of the EU; stresses the need to clearly define the competences of the VP/HR, the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council with regard to the EU’s external action and representation;

33. Believes that there is a need for stronger institutionalised parliamentary oversight of the EU’s external action, including regular and timely, yet secure, access to confidential information, briefings in the European Parliament and swifter channels of communication with the EEAS; recalls, in this context, Parliament’s right to information on CFSP matters under Article 36 TEU; welcomes the establishment of the high-level geopolitical dialogue and encourages more open discussions, including by continuing regular consultations with members of the Commission and the EEAS and by involving Parliament in the implementation of the European Peace Facility, the Strategic Compass and the Global Gateway initiative;

34. Affirms that Parliament should make full use of its oversight and budgetary powers with regard to Union decisions on international affairs; calls for a change in the structure of the CFSP budget, with one budget line per civilian CSDP mission, in order to allow for better scrutiny and increased transparency;

35. Regrets the fact that the CFSP budget for civilian CSDP missions has only marginally increased from the multiannual financial framework (MFF) for 2014-2020 to the MFF for 2021-2027, even though the number of missions and the tasks they perform have increased, the security environment has become more challenging and the cost of operations has risen; urges the Member States to dedicate sufficient funding to the CFSP in light of the need to defend peace, democracy and the rule of law and to ensure better coordination with other policy areas; calls, in this context, for an appropriate adjustment to the MFF and for increased financing for EU external action;